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Wednesday, 10 November 2010
Shan army hails ‘brave’ DKBA
Praise of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)’s “courageous” assault on a town in eastern Burma that pushed up to 20,000 refugees into Thailand was voiced yesterday by a Shan-based rebel army.
Fighting between Burmese soldiers and the DKBA, who took control of key military positions in Myawaddy on Sunday night, has died down and the majority of those who fled to Thailand have now returned. There are however thought to be refugees still fleeing fighting further south at Payathonzu.
The DKBA faction involved in the attack was led by renegade commander Na Kham Mwe, who spearheaded a revolt against the DKBA’s transformation into a Border Guard Force (BGF), a move that sees it come under the direct control of Naypyidaw.
He claims the incursion into Myawaddy was triggered by a complaint from a local that a member of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which has claimed victory of Sunday’s elections in Burma, threatened a voter at gunpoint.
A statement released yesterday by the Shan State Army (SSA) spoke of its “[respect] of the DKBA troops” who were involved in the attack, which it said was intended to thwart the junta’s attempt to “divide up the Karen and make them slaughter their own people” – a reference to the BGF transformation and the wider divide-and-rule tactics used by the junta against the country’s multiple ethnic groups.
The assault is “an example to all the ethnic armed groups and ceasefire groups… Now is time for all ethnics in Burma to unite and jointly assist the DKBA,” it finished.
Na Kham Mwe had earlier pledged his support for the formation of six-party alliance of ethnic armies that includes his former foes, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), as well as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Karenni Army.
Zipporah Sein, the secretary general of the Karen National Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA, told DVB that KNLA troops had stood ready to help the DKBA if support was needed.
The DKBA was formed in the mid-1990s after it broke off from the KNLA and allied itself to the Burmese junta. Since then, the two sides have fought a bitter war for control of Karen territory but, said Zipporah, the KNLA would welcome back any DKBA troop that “is fighting against the dictatorship”.
The number of civilians killed in the Myawaddy and Payathonzu clashes remains unknown – three were initially reported dead in Myawaddy on Monday but that figure may rise when the smoke clears from yesterday fighting.
From DVB News
Fighting between Burmese soldiers and the DKBA, who took control of key military positions in Myawaddy on Sunday night, has died down and the majority of those who fled to Thailand have now returned. There are however thought to be refugees still fleeing fighting further south at Payathonzu.
The DKBA faction involved in the attack was led by renegade commander Na Kham Mwe, who spearheaded a revolt against the DKBA’s transformation into a Border Guard Force (BGF), a move that sees it come under the direct control of Naypyidaw.
He claims the incursion into Myawaddy was triggered by a complaint from a local that a member of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which has claimed victory of Sunday’s elections in Burma, threatened a voter at gunpoint.
A statement released yesterday by the Shan State Army (SSA) spoke of its “[respect] of the DKBA troops” who were involved in the attack, which it said was intended to thwart the junta’s attempt to “divide up the Karen and make them slaughter their own people” – a reference to the BGF transformation and the wider divide-and-rule tactics used by the junta against the country’s multiple ethnic groups.
The assault is “an example to all the ethnic armed groups and ceasefire groups… Now is time for all ethnics in Burma to unite and jointly assist the DKBA,” it finished.
Na Kham Mwe had earlier pledged his support for the formation of six-party alliance of ethnic armies that includes his former foes, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), as well as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Karenni Army.
Zipporah Sein, the secretary general of the Karen National Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA, told DVB that KNLA troops had stood ready to help the DKBA if support was needed.
The DKBA was formed in the mid-1990s after it broke off from the KNLA and allied itself to the Burmese junta. Since then, the two sides have fought a bitter war for control of Karen territory but, said Zipporah, the KNLA would welcome back any DKBA troop that “is fighting against the dictatorship”.
The number of civilians killed in the Myawaddy and Payathonzu clashes remains unknown – three were initially reported dead in Myawaddy on Monday but that figure may rise when the smoke clears from yesterday fighting.
From DVB News
Monday, 8 November 2010
KCA-UK and 15 Other Burma Pro-Democracy Organizations Host London Rally
06 Nov 2010
16 Burma Pro-Democracy Organizations host a London rally and a peaceful march to condemn Burma’s sham election
Today, 16 Burma pro-democracy organizations including all ethnic organizations, based in the United Kingdom, organize a London rally and a peaceful march to condemn sham elections in Burma on 7 November 2010, urging the international community to reject the result of regime’s fake elections and support our call for a UN-led effort to secure genuine tripartite dialogue in Burma.
This rally and peaceful march is to highlight Burma’s November 7 fake elections, based on the State Peace and Development Council’s 2008 undemocratic constitution, which does not guarantee the basic human rights of people, ignores the principles of equality and popular sovereignty, and makes the military as a special privileged class allowing them to occupy 25 percent of the parliamentary seats in both National, and State and Region Parliaments. There will be no independent judiciary. Democratic voices of the people will not be tolerated and unjust laws remain in place. The constitution undermines federal democracy, ignores the agreed upon principle of ‘unity in diversity’ and effectively denies ‘right of self-determination’ of the ethnic nationalities. Therefore, the upcoming elections will not signify or advance democratic reform and, evidently, it is detrimental to the interest and against the aspiration of the people of Burma.
The 2008 constitution is designed to maintain dictatorship whoever wins the elections and make it impossible to amend the Constitution without the military agreeing. The dictatorship in Burma has restricted political parties using draconian methods in the election law, banning several genuine democratic parties including National League for Democracy.
“We strongly condemn this regime’s sham election and want to make it clear that this is a complete sham, and will not lead to any kind of democratic change that people want. The only intention of this elections is to legalise military rule with civilian front”, said Dr. Win Naing of National League for Democracy – Liberated Area Europe.
“We urge the United Nations to use its power to pressure the regime to immediately enter into genuine inclusive dialogue to solve the problem in Burma”, said Duwa Mahkaw Hkun Sa of Kachin National Organization.
The 16 organisations call upon European Union and International community to support the following calls;
1. To urge governments, including the ASEAN, to condemn the fake elections to be held on 7 November 2010;
2. To urge the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, to pressure Burma’s military regime to release all political prisoners immediately and stop attacks against ethnic civilians;
3. To urge UN Security Council to declare the 2010 election null and void by not recognizing its results;
4. To urge the UN Secretary General to implement UN-led effort to secure genuine dialogue among democratic forces led by Aung San Suu Kyi, Ethnic Representatives and Burmese regime.
This London rally and a peaceful march is organized by the following organisations:
1. 88 Generation Student - UK
2. Arakanese Community - UK
3. Arakan Rohingya National Organisation – UK
4. Burma Democratic Concern
5. Burmese Democratic Movement Association - UK
6. Burmese Muslim Association - UK
7. Burmese Rohingya Organisation - UK
8. Chin Community UK
9. Democratic Party for a New Society – UK
10. Karen Community Association - UK
11. Karen National Union- UK
12. Karenni Community - UK
13. Kachin National Organisation – UK
14. Mon Community – UK
15. National League for Democracy Liberated Area Europe
16. Women of Burma Organisation – UK
KNU UK joined London rally today calling for the International Community to reject regime’s sham election and implement dialogue
by Karen National Union on Saturday, 06 November 2010 at 19:37
By Naw Pa Saw Htee - KNU UK
We, the Karen National Union UK, today join hands with the rest of the democratic movement, calling for the International Community to firmly reject the result of the regime’s sham election.
We strongly condemn SPDC’s fake election as it is designed only to legitimise the continuation of the military rule, under civilian guise.
Again, we would like to make it clear that this election will not bring any changes towards democratization in Burma. It is done only to avoid the international pressure.
At the same time, human rights violation against ethnic civilians continue because of the regime’s attacks against them.
Within the past 9 months in parts of Karen state where the KNU is able to document abuses, civilians are constantly targeted by the Burma Army. They suffer from ongoing human rights violations that include forced labour, forced relocation, extortion, destruction of homes and villages, killing men, women and children, and raping women.
More than 3,500 villages have been destroyed in Eastern Burma in the past 15 years, an average of four every week.
We have repeatedly warned that this regime’s election will not solve the human rights and humanitarian crises in Burma. Repression and instability will continue instead.
Once again, the regime lies to the world by using this election as a showcase but in reality it continues to break the international law.
To help solve Burma’s problem, we’ve been repeatedly calling on the SPDC to follow the demands of the UN to engage in tripartite dialogue with us. But the regime refuses to talk and continues to attack our civilians instead.
We call on the UN to redouble its effort to secure tripartite dialogue which includes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, genuine ethnic representatives and the regime.
It is time the international community takes ethnic issues seriously and include us in all political process towards a true federal Burma.
While we welcome strong support from the UK government to push for a UN Security Council discussion on Burma; we also call on the International Community to use this opportunity to apply stronger pressure on the dictatorship to stop the attacks against civilians, and release all political prisoners, who are considered criminals by the regime, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Friday, 5 November 2010
Election Will Bring No Real Change
By ZOYA PHAN
Friday, November 5, 2010
Published by www.irrawaddy.org
Election Will Bring No Real Change
The most likely outcome of the Nov. 7 election is that in a few years time we’ll look back and wonder what all the excitement was about. If things go as the generals plan, it will still be business as usual for them. They’ll still control the country and enjoy lives of luxury while the people exist in poverty. They’ll still crush any opposition to their rule, and continue to persecute ethnic people.
There has been remarkably little detailed discussion on what Burma will look like after the election. Most of the attention has been on the process of the elections—will they be free and fair, who will take part, should there be a boycott?
The focus has been on whether some small political space will be created, which seems increasingly unlikely in view of the Constitution and how Burma's first general election in 20 years is being conducted.
Some speculation centers on the question of whether there will be a generational shift as old generals step down and a new generation takes over. Will the newcomers be more liberal? Again the evidence on the ground suggests this is also very unlikely, as junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe lines up hard-liners for key positions.
Some have argued that while on a national level the prospects for improvements are small, in region and state hluttaws, (parliaments) there may be more space to start a process of incremental change. I hope and wish this were true, but I am not optimistic.
Here is why:
For the Karen, one of the largest ethnic nationalities in Burma, most do not live in Karen State, so even if state and regional parliaments did have some power to promote ethnic culture, most Karen would not benefit.
While the constitution technically says every citizen has the right to develop arts, customs and traditions, article 365 of the constitution states that they cannot do so if it is detrimental to national solidarity. As the dictatorship views ethnic diversity as detrimental to national security, in practice there is unlikely to be any real improvement in freedoms.
At the National Convention drafting the Constitution, every single one of the proposals by ethnic representatives that would give more power, autonomy and protection of ethnic cultures was rejected by the regime.
In the region or state hluttaws, it is the national president who decides who the chief minister of the state or region will be. Other ministers are then chosen by the chief minister and the commander in chief of the defence services. Hluttaw representatives do not have the power to reject ministers unless it can be proved that they do not meet basic qualifications, which are so low it is hard to fail. As in national hluttaws, the military also have guaranteed seats reserved for them.
Responsibilities for security and border affairs are reserved for defence services personnel nominated by the commander in chief of the defence services. It is the president, not the chief minister, who appoints approved ministers to their individual posts.
The president only has to coordinate with the chief minister in deciding who gets which post. And to further tighten the president's control over regional hluttaws, the chief minister of a state or region is responsible to the president, not his own hluttaw and its elected representatives.
At the regional and state level the dictatorship’s grip is therefore likely to be as tight as ever.
The central government’s political grip on ethnic areas also remains tight. Aside from the president’s control over regional hluttaws, the commander in chief of the defence services can decide who the national ministers of defence, home affairs and border affairs are, choosing them from serving members of the military. They can also remain as serving members of the military. These three posts are the main key positions that will dominate policy making in ethnic areas.
National legislation overrides local legislation, giving the central government effective veto power over any moves by regional and state hluttaws to increase local control or promote and protect ethnic culture.
The defences services are not answerable to national or state governments in all areas of the armed services. If the commander inchief of the defence services decides there is a state of emergency which could cause disintegration of the union, or even just the broad and undefined “disintegration of national solidarity,” whatever that means, he can take control.
This catch-all phrase of national solidarity could in theory mean that legislation passed by the hluttaw which, in the view of the military, goes too far in promoting ethnic rights and culture is grounds for the military to assume control.
The military will doubtless use this threat as a way of forcing hluttaw representatives not to pass any such legislation.
After the elections, some ethnic political parties with hluttaw representatives will of course use every opportunity they can to improve the lives of their people, but the odds stacked against them are incredibly high.
Maybe they will have some small successes over the course of a few years, but it is a long way from the dramatic and immediate change that our country and our people need.
Equally possible, given the new Constitution, and the dictatorship’s determination to take over or crush armed ethnic groups, is that political and military control over ethnic areas actually increases.
There has been too much focus on the small possible changes after the election, and not enough on how very little will really change, or possibly even get worse.
The imagined changes are equivalent to giving a starving man a single grain of rice. It is not enough. Aung San Suu Kyi has said that we must hope for the best, but prepare for the worst. Sadly, much of the international community seems to be living in a fantasy land when it comes to the election, not just hoping for the best, but trying to convince itself that change may be just round the corner.
We know from experience with this dictatorship, however, that it is the worst which happens to us over and over again.
The election will not bring the change we need. Repression and suffering are getting worse, not better. Those arguing we must “wait and see” are actually saying “sit back and let them die.”
The United Nations and world governments know what will bring that change—tri-partite dialogue. They have said it over and over again for almost 20 years.
But no serious concerted effort has ever been made to secure that dialogue. The last attempt at something close was by UN envoy Razali Ismail almost 10 years ago. Even his efforts largely excluded ethnic representatives, and did not have the full, high level and unified backing of the international community.
How long will it be after the election before the UN and others are forced to admit that no real change has happened and they once again fell for the lies of the dictatorship?
How many people will be killed, raped or die from poverty in that time? The international community doesn’t need to wait. It already knows the election won’t bring change. It already knows what is needed to start a process of real change. It can act today.
Zoya Phan is International Coordinator at Burma Campaign UK. Her autobiography is published as ‘Undaunted’ in the US and as ‘Little Daughter’ in the rest of the world.
http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=19953&page=1
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Norway 2008
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