Posts
Wednesday 29 February 2012
ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပႆနာမ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းရန္အတြက္ အားလုံးပါဝင္တဲ့ အစည္းအေ၀းတခု အျမန္လုိ
Burma VJ Media
လက္တေလာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာမ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းရန္အတြက္ အားလုံးပါဝင္တဲ့ အစည္းအေဝးတခု အျမန္လုိအပ္ေနေၾကာင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ခရီးစဥ္မွ ျပန္လည္ ေရာက္ရွိလာတ့ဲ
၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔မွ ကုိျမေအးက ရန္ကုန္ေလဆိပ္မွာ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ ညေန ၆ နာရီခြဲမွာ ျပဳလုပ္တဲ့ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ ေျပာလုိက္ ပါတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္၊
မႏၱေလးစသည့္ ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးမ်ားတြင္သာ ယခုကဲ့သုိ ့သတင္းစာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ခံစားေနရေသာ္လည္း တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားမွာ ၎တုိ႔ ေဒသတြင္ စစ္မက္အၿမဲ ျဖစ္ပြားေနခဲ့သည့္ အတြက္
တစုံတရာ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျဖစ္ေနသည္ဟု မျမင္ေၾကာင္း ကုိၿမေအးက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကုိၿမေအးနဲ ့အတူ ၈၈မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကုိၿပဳံးခ်ဳိကလည္း ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႀကံဳေတြ႔ခဲ့
ရသည္မ်ားကို မီဒီယာမ်ားကို ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ဘာသာေရး၊ လႈမႈေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အလႊာအသီးသီးမွ ပုဂၢဳလ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့ၿပီး လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အၾကပ္
အတည္းမ်ားကို ေျဖရွင္းရန္ အတြက္ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔မွ ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အခ်က္ ၄ ခ်က္ပါ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ကုိလည္း ေဝငွ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကုိၿမေအး၊ ကိုၿပံဳးခ်ဳိ တုိ႔နဲ႔ အတူ
ကုိထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္၊ ကုိျမတ္သူနဲ႔ အျခား ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟာ ျပန္လည္ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကုိမင္းကုိႏုိင္နဲ႔ အျခား ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကေတာ့ အထက္ ျမန္မာ
ျပည္ မႏၱေလး ခရီးစဥ္ အတြက္ က်န္ရွိ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
လက္တေလာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာမ်ားကုိ ေျဖရွင္းရန္အတြက္ အားလုံးပါဝင္တဲ့ အစည္းအေဝးတခု အျမန္လုိအပ္ေနေၾကာင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ခရီးစဥ္မွ ျပန္လည္ ေရာက္ရွိလာတ့ဲ
၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔မွ ကုိျမေအးက ရန္ကုန္ေလဆိပ္မွာ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ ညေန ၆ နာရီခြဲမွာ ျပဳလုပ္တဲ့ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ ေျပာလုိက္ ပါတယ္။ ရန္ကုန္၊
မႏၱေလးစသည့္ ၿမိဳ႕ႀကီးမ်ားတြင္သာ ယခုကဲ့သုိ ့သတင္းစာ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ခံစားေနရေသာ္လည္း တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားမွာ ၎တုိ႔ ေဒသတြင္ စစ္မက္အၿမဲ ျဖစ္ပြားေနခဲ့သည့္ အတြက္
တစုံတရာ အေျပာင္းအလဲ ျဖစ္ေနသည္ဟု မျမင္ေၾကာင္း ကုိၿမေအးက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကုိၿမေအးနဲ ့အတူ ၈၈မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ကုိၿပဳံးခ်ဳိကလည္း ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႀကံဳေတြ႔ခဲ့
ရသည္မ်ားကို မီဒီယာမ်ားကို ေျပာၾကား ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမစ္ႀကီးနား ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ဘာသာေရး၊ လႈမႈေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အလႊာအသီးသီးမွ ပုဂၢဳလ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့ၿပီး လက္ရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အၾကပ္
အတည္းမ်ားကို ေျဖရွင္းရန္ အတြက္ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔မွ ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အခ်က္ ၄ ခ်က္ပါ ေၾကျငာခ်က္ကုိလည္း ေဝငွ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကုိၿမေအး၊ ကိုၿပံဳးခ်ဳိ တုိ႔နဲ႔ အတူ
ကုိထြန္းျမင့္ေအာင္၊ ကုိျမတ္သူနဲ႔ အျခား ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားဟာ ျပန္လည္ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကုိမင္းကုိႏုိင္နဲ႔ အျခား ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကေတာ့ အထက္ ျမန္မာ
ျပည္ မႏၱေလး ခရီးစဥ္ အတြက္ က်န္ရွိ ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
Tuesday 28 February 2012
Suu Kyi Tourism on the Burma Itinerary
Western tourists check out t-shirts bearing the image of Aung San Suu Kyi at a stall outside the NLD headquarters in Rangoon (PHOTO: Hpyo Wai Tha / The Irrawaddy)
ANGOON—If you are currently visiting Rangoon, perhaps it's an idea to leave your guide book behind in the hotel, and instead add to your itinerary two new attractions that are probably never included in the tourist program.
The first sightseeing location would be the headquarters of the country's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Previously any visitor to this modest building in Bahan Township was treated with suspicion, and the military authorities did not hesitate to take anyone loitering around into custody for questioning.
On Thursday morning, a tour bus pulled up in front of the NLD office, just a stone's throw from Shwedagon Pagoda, and tourists of different ages from different countries descended the bus and immediately began snapping pictures of the NLD flag flying above the entranceway. Some even posed for snap shots with party members.
"In the past, we could only take pictures [of the NLD office] from a passing vehicle," said Christophe, 45, a Frenchman who is on his second visit to the country.
Inside the building, the foreign visitors flock to the counter where they can buy party memorabilia ranging from key chains to coffee mugs to T-shirts bearing the image of pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
"Does someone have any extra kyat?" a gentleman with a European accent asks, waving a US $100 note.
"We have foreign visitors every day who just come here to have a look at the office and buy some NLD souvenirs,” said Daw Le Le, 64, a member of the campaign finance committee. “Some drop in alone. Others come in groups.”
"This is the second time this week I have brought tourists to the NLD headquarters,” said a tour guide. “Our next stop is Auntie's house.”
And so the visitors got back on the bus and headed north on the short drive to Inya Lake where the second stop on the day's itinerary—and undoubtedly the most highly anticipated—was a visit to Suu Kyi's house.
Even though they knew that they wouldn't be allowed to go inside, the foreign tourists wanted to pay a visit to the famous Rangoon landmark “if only to catch a glimpse of her.”
Mary James, a retired teacher from Louisiana, said, “I can't believe this is where Suu Kyi spent 15 of the past 20 years under house arrest. We have taken a few pictures outside the gate.”
Since the release of Burma's charismatic opposition leader in late 2010, Burma has seen a steady increase in visitor numbers, and the Southeast Asian country suddenly became one of the hottest destinations in the region after Suu Kyi declared: “We want people to come to Burma” in the summer of 2011.
The NLD has withdrawn its call for tourists to boycott Burma, and has instead adopted a policy of calling for “responsible tourism,” or as the party says: “The NLD would welcome visitors who are keen to promote the welfare of the common people and the conservation of the environment and to acquire an insight into the cultural, political and social life of the country … ”
High recommendations from Lonely Planet, CNN and other leading publications naming Burma, or Myanmar, as one of the top places to visit in 2012 has resulted in a sudden influx of tourists, despite the fact that the country's tourism industry is still not ready to handle mass tourism.
Inside some huts across the road from the NLD headquarters, armed security keep a watchful eye on the entrance to the office.
"We haven't had any complaints from our visitors or reports that they were intimidated by the authorities for coming here,” said a tour operator.
Christophe admitted that he had felt somewhat nervous about Burma's notorious military personnel.
"But we are only here for a visit—nothing political—and we are just buying some party souvenirs,” he said. “If it's OK for other visitors to come here, I see no harm in it for me, too.”
The first sightseeing location would be the headquarters of the country's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). Previously any visitor to this modest building in Bahan Township was treated with suspicion, and the military authorities did not hesitate to take anyone loitering around into custody for questioning.
On Thursday morning, a tour bus pulled up in front of the NLD office, just a stone's throw from Shwedagon Pagoda, and tourists of different ages from different countries descended the bus and immediately began snapping pictures of the NLD flag flying above the entranceway. Some even posed for snap shots with party members.
"In the past, we could only take pictures [of the NLD office] from a passing vehicle," said Christophe, 45, a Frenchman who is on his second visit to the country.
Inside the building, the foreign visitors flock to the counter where they can buy party memorabilia ranging from key chains to coffee mugs to T-shirts bearing the image of pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
"Does someone have any extra kyat?" a gentleman with a European accent asks, waving a US $100 note.
"We have foreign visitors every day who just come here to have a look at the office and buy some NLD souvenirs,” said Daw Le Le, 64, a member of the campaign finance committee. “Some drop in alone. Others come in groups.”
"This is the second time this week I have brought tourists to the NLD headquarters,” said a tour guide. “Our next stop is Auntie's house.”
And so the visitors got back on the bus and headed north on the short drive to Inya Lake where the second stop on the day's itinerary—and undoubtedly the most highly anticipated—was a visit to Suu Kyi's house.
Even though they knew that they wouldn't be allowed to go inside, the foreign tourists wanted to pay a visit to the famous Rangoon landmark “if only to catch a glimpse of her.”
Mary James, a retired teacher from Louisiana, said, “I can't believe this is where Suu Kyi spent 15 of the past 20 years under house arrest. We have taken a few pictures outside the gate.”
Since the release of Burma's charismatic opposition leader in late 2010, Burma has seen a steady increase in visitor numbers, and the Southeast Asian country suddenly became one of the hottest destinations in the region after Suu Kyi declared: “We want people to come to Burma” in the summer of 2011.
The NLD has withdrawn its call for tourists to boycott Burma, and has instead adopted a policy of calling for “responsible tourism,” or as the party says: “The NLD would welcome visitors who are keen to promote the welfare of the common people and the conservation of the environment and to acquire an insight into the cultural, political and social life of the country … ”
High recommendations from Lonely Planet, CNN and other leading publications naming Burma, or Myanmar, as one of the top places to visit in 2012 has resulted in a sudden influx of tourists, despite the fact that the country's tourism industry is still not ready to handle mass tourism.
Inside some huts across the road from the NLD headquarters, armed security keep a watchful eye on the entrance to the office.
"We haven't had any complaints from our visitors or reports that they were intimidated by the authorities for coming here,” said a tour operator.
Christophe admitted that he had felt somewhat nervous about Burma's notorious military personnel.
"But we are only here for a visit—nothing political—and we are just buying some party souvenirs,” he said. “If it's OK for other visitors to come here, I see no harm in it for me, too.”
Tuesday 21 February 2012
Burma - Breaking the wall of censorship
ဒီဗီြဒီယိုထြက္တာ တႏွစ္ေလာက္ရွိေပမဲဲ႔ မေဟာင္းေသးတဲ႔အေႀကာင္းအရာေတြပါ
Burma - Breaking the wall of censorship from Handcrafted Films on Vimeo.
Burma - Breaking the wall of censorship from Handcrafted Films on Vimeo.
Monday 20 February 2012
DKBA ပစ္ခတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ BGF တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္၅ဦး ထိခုိက္ေသဆုံး မႈမ်ားရွိ
ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၂၀ရက္၊ ၂၀၁၂။ ေစာသိန္းျမင့္ (ေကအုိင္စီ)
ကရင္ျပည္နယ္၊ လႈိင္းဘဲြၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူေဒသတြင္ တုိးတက္ေသာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား တပ္မေတာ္ (DKBA)မွ နယ္ျခား ေစာင့္တပ္ (BGF)တပ္ဖဲြ႕၀င္မ်ား စီးနင္းလာသည့္ ကားတစ္စီးအား ယမန္ေန႔က ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ရာ ၅ဦး ထိခုိက္ေသဆုံး ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဒီေကဘီေအ ဘက္က ေျပာသည္။ ယမန္ေန႔ မြန္းလဲြ ၂နာရီခဲြအခ်ိန္၌ ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူလမ္းခဲြတြင္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ (၁၀၁၁)တပ္ရင္း စီးနင္းလာသည့္ ကားကို ဗုိလ္ဘိ ဦးေဆာင္ သည့္ ဒီေကဘီေအတပ္ဖဲြ႕မွ လက္နက္ႀကီးျဖင့္ ပစ္ခတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ကားထဲရွိ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ ဗုိလ္ႀကီးေအး၀င္းမင္းႏွင့္ တပ္သားတစ္ဦး ထိခိုက္ဒဏ္ရာရၿပီး တပ္သား ၃ဦးမွာ က်ဆံုးသြားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
အမည္မေဖာ္လုိသည့္ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္မွဴးတစ္ဦးက “ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူလမ္းခဲြ ၿမိဳ႕လယ္မွာပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လူေတြပစ္တာ။ ကားစီးလာ တ့ဲ ဗုိလ္ေအး၀င္းမင္းနဲ႔အတူ ပါလာတဲ့ သူ႔လူ ၁ေယာက္။ ကားထဲမွာရွိတဲ့ လူေတြလည္း အကုန္လုံး ဒဏ္ရာရရွိခဲ့တယ္။”ဟု ကရင္သတင္း ဌာနသုိ႔ ေျပာသည္။
အဆိုပါ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ဖြဲ႕သည္ ရင္းပိုင္းေခ်ာင္းမွ ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူတစ္ေလွ်ာက္ အနီးအနားရွိ ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ဖဲြ႔၀င္မ်ား၏ စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ လက္နက္ ၂၃လက္ကို ၀င္ေရာက္သိမ္းဆည္းမႈေၾကာင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအဘက္မွ ယခုလုိ ပစ္ခတ္ရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ၎တပ္မွဴးက ေျပာ သည္။
ဗိုလ္မႉးစိုးႏိုင္ ဦးစီးသည့္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ရင္း(၁၀၁၁)သည္ ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူေဒသ ရင္းပိုင္းေနရာရွိ ဗိုလ္ႀကီးရဲခ်စ္ ဦးစီးေသာ DKBA တပ္ဖြဲ႕ကို မိနစ္ ၂၀ၾကာ ၀င္ေရာက္ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ၿပီး လက္နက္မ်ားကို သိမ္းယူသြားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း KNLA တပ္မဟာ(၇)မႉး ဗိုလ္မႉးခ်ဳပ္ေဂ်ာ္နီက အတည္ျပဳေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူအနီးတ၀ုိက္တြင္ လႈပ္ရွားေနသည့္ KNLA တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္တစ္ဦးက “ဒီကိစၥဟာ အျပန္အလွန္ လက္နက္သိမ္းတဲ့ ျပႆနာကေန စၿပီး ျဖစ္တာပါ။ သူတုိ႔ေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္း မေျပလည္မႈေတြ စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားတဲ့ ျပႆနာရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆက္တဲြေတြပါပဲ။”ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယခုလုိ ႏွစ္ဖက္ စစ္ေရးအေျခအေန တင္းမာမႈေၾကာင့္ ဒီေကဘီေအ အေျခစုိက္ရာ ၿမိဳင္ႀကီးငူေဒသႏွင့္ မဲ့သေ၀ါေဒသဘက္တြင္ စစ္ေရး ျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား လုပ္ေဆာင္ထားသကဲ့သုိ႔ နယ္ျခာေစာင့္တပ္ဘက္တြင္လည္း စစ္ေရးျပင္ဆင္မႈမ်ား လုပ္ေဆာင္လွ်က္ရွိသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ BGF ႏွင့္ DKBA တို႔ ႏွစ္ဖက္အေျခအေန တင္းမာေနခ်ိန္တြင္ အင္အားရာႏွင့္ခ်ီသည့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ၏ တပ္မ်ားလည္း ထိုေဒသသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိလာေနသည္ဟု နယ္စပ္သတင္းမ်ားအရ သိရသည္။
ယခင္လ ၁၈ရက္ေန႔က ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ လႈိင္းဘဲြၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မဲ့သေ၀ါေက်းရြာ အေျခစုိက္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ BGF တပ္ရင္း(၁၀၁၁) တပ္ဖဲြ႕ ၀င္မ်ား၏ လက္နက္မ်ားကို ဗုိလ္မႉးေစာဘိ ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ DKBA တပ္ဖဲြ႕မွသိမ္းဆည္းမႈ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ထုိသိမ္းဆည္းရမိသည့္ လက္နက္မ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္အပ္ႏွံခဲ့သည္။
Tuesday 14 February 2012
Friday 10 February 2012
ေကအဲန္ယူႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္တို႔ တပ္မဟာ ၅နယ္ေျမတြင္ တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြား
အဲေခါင္ေသာင့္၊ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၁၀၊ ၂၀၁၂ခုႏွစ္
ေကအဲန္ယူ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္တို႔ ယေန႔ မနက္က ေကအဲန္ယူ တပ္မဟာ ၅ နယ္ေျမတြင္ တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ဟု စံုစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္မွ ရတခ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ခလရ ၉၆တပ္ရင္းမွ စစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္မဟာ ၅ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္တို႔ တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
၄၅မိနစ္ခန္႔ ၾကာသည့္ အဆိုပါ တိုက္ပြဲ တြင္ ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္ဘက္မွ တစ္ဒါဇင္နီးပါး ထိခိုက္ ေသဆံုးမွဳရွိျပီး ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ ဘက္မွ အထိအခိုက္ မရွိေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္မွ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ေဆြးေႏြးေနခ်ိန္ကို အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူျပီး စစ္ေရး တိုးခ်ဲ႔ လွဳပ္ရွားလာမွဳေၾကာင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြား လာခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ျပီး ဆက္လက္ျပီး စစ္ေရး တိုးခ်ဲ႔မွဳမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လွ်င္ တိုုက္ပြဲ ပိုျပီး ျပင္းထန္လာႏိုင္သည္ဟု ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္မွဴးတဦးက ေျပာဆိုသည္.။
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ေကအဲန္ယူ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္ဖြဲ႔ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္တို႔ ယေန႔ မနက္က ေကအဲန္ယူ တပ္မဟာ ၅ နယ္ေျမတြင္ တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္ဟု စံုစမ္းသိရွိရသည္။
ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္မွ ရတခ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ခလရ ၉၆တပ္ရင္းမွ စစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္မဟာ ၅ လက္ေအာက္ခံ တပ္ဖြဲ႔၀င္တို႔ တိုက္ပြဲ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
၄၅မိနစ္ခန္႔ ၾကာသည့္ အဆိုပါ တိုက္ပြဲ တြင္ ျမန္မာ စစ္တပ္ဘက္မွ တစ္ဒါဇင္နီးပါး ထိခိုက္ ေသဆံုးမွဳရွိျပီး ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ ဘက္မွ အထိအခိုက္ မရွိေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္မွ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ေဆြးေႏြးေနခ်ိန္ကို အခြင့္ေကာင္းယူျပီး စစ္ေရး တိုးခ်ဲ႔ လွဳပ္ရွားလာမွဳေၾကာင့္ တိုက္ပြဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ပြား လာခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ျပီး ဆက္လက္ျပီး စစ္ေရး တိုးခ်ဲ႔မွဳမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လွ်င္ တိုုက္ပြဲ ပိုျပီး ျပင္းထန္လာႏိုင္သည္ဟု ေကအဲန္အယ္လ္ေအ တပ္မွဴးတဦးက ေျပာဆိုသည္.။
Thursday 9 February 2012
Wednesday 8 February 2012
Shan army calls for end to state abuse
A ceasefire recently agreed between the government and the Shan State Army will be “meaningless” unless Burmese troops end exploitation and violence against civilians in the eastern state, the rebel group warned yesterday as hundreds gathered at its headquarters on the Thai-Burma border.
The two sides signed a pact last month that they hope will bring to an end decades of fighting in the volatile state, which is home to some six million ethnic Shan.
But the Shan State Army (SSA) has voiced concern about the finer details of the agreement, which includes allowing Burmese troops to pass through their territory. Moreover, they have demanded that the Burmese army end ingrained abuses practices in civilian areas that it has largely been able to carry out with impunity.
“If [the army] continues to oppress and commit crimes against the people, such as subjecting them to forced labour, forced relocation, rape and extrajudicial killing, and scorched villages, then the ceasefire will be meaningless,” said a statement read out yesterday at the group’s 65th Shan National Day at Loi Taileng.
The SSA is one of a number of ethnic armies to have signed truces with the government in past two months, although what was billed as a ceasefire with the Karen National Union (KNU) has been mired in controversy: the KNU’s leader, Zipporah Sein, said recently that no official agreement had been made, and that the team sent to negotiate with government officials on 12 January were not in a position to accept terms.
The SSA’s conflict with the central government stretches back nearly half a century. Shortly after it was formed in 1964 it split into two factions, with what came be known as the Shan State Army–North (SSA-N) allying itself with the government.
That relationship appeared to be on the rocks last year after fighting broke out between Burmese troops and the SSA-N, following the latter’s refusal to become a Border Guard Force.
But in late January the SSA-N also agreed a truce with the government, and both factions await further negotiations regarding territory, as well as deciding whether Burmese troops can move around in areas under its control.
Major Sai Min, a spokesperson for the SSA’s political wing, the Shan State Restoration Council, said that the group will assume responsibility for appointing administrative workers in SSA territory, although the extent of autonomy it will enjoy remains unclear.
The two sides signed a pact last month that they hope will bring to an end decades of fighting in the volatile state, which is home to some six million ethnic Shan.
But the Shan State Army (SSA) has voiced concern about the finer details of the agreement, which includes allowing Burmese troops to pass through their territory. Moreover, they have demanded that the Burmese army end ingrained abuses practices in civilian areas that it has largely been able to carry out with impunity.
“If [the army] continues to oppress and commit crimes against the people, such as subjecting them to forced labour, forced relocation, rape and extrajudicial killing, and scorched villages, then the ceasefire will be meaningless,” said a statement read out yesterday at the group’s 65th Shan National Day at Loi Taileng.
The SSA is one of a number of ethnic armies to have signed truces with the government in past two months, although what was billed as a ceasefire with the Karen National Union (KNU) has been mired in controversy: the KNU’s leader, Zipporah Sein, said recently that no official agreement had been made, and that the team sent to negotiate with government officials on 12 January were not in a position to accept terms.
The SSA’s conflict with the central government stretches back nearly half a century. Shortly after it was formed in 1964 it split into two factions, with what came be known as the Shan State Army–North (SSA-N) allying itself with the government.
That relationship appeared to be on the rocks last year after fighting broke out between Burmese troops and the SSA-N, following the latter’s refusal to become a Border Guard Force.
But in late January the SSA-N also agreed a truce with the government, and both factions await further negotiations regarding territory, as well as deciding whether Burmese troops can move around in areas under its control.
Major Sai Min, a spokesperson for the SSA’s political wing, the Shan State Restoration Council, said that the group will assume responsibility for appointing administrative workers in SSA territory, although the extent of autonomy it will enjoy remains unclear.
Tuesday 7 February 2012
ဥပေဒမဲ့ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈျဖင့္ ခမရ ၃၂၁ အား တရားစြဲမႈ စတင္ၾကားနာေတာ့မည္
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၊ မိုးေမာက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွ မဆြမ္လြတ္ ရြယ္ဂ်ာ အား ဥပေဒမဲ့ ေလးလၾကာ ဖမ္းဆီးထားသည့္အေပၚ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ခမရ ၃၂၁ အား ခင္ပြန္းျဖစ္သူက တရားစြဲဆိုထားသည့္အမႈကို ျပည္ေထာင္စု တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံး၌ ၾကာသပေတးေန႔တြင္ စတင္ ၾကားနာစစ္ေဆး မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ကတည္းက အဖမ္းခံခဲ့ရသည့္ မရြယ္ဂ်ာ၏ ခင္ပြန္းျဖစ္သူ ေဇာင္းေခါင္ က ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလ ၂၆ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္႐ုံးသို႔ မတရားဖမ္းဆီး ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္မႈျဖင့္ ခမရ ၃၂၁ အား တရားစြဲဆို ေလွ်ာက္ထားခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ၾကားနာစစ္ေဆးေတာ့မည္ဟု ေဇာင္းေခါင္၏ ေရွ႕ေန ဦးမာခါး က ေျပာသည္။
“ခမရ ၃၂၁ စစ္တပ္ကေန ဖမ္းထားတဲ့ ကိစၥကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္မွာ ေလွ်ာက္ထားတယ္။ အစိုးရ တပ္ ခမရ ၃၂၁ ေျချမန္တပ္ လြယ္ဂ်ယ္ တပ္စခန္းကိုပါ။ တရားစြဲတယ္ဆိုတာ မတရား ဖမ္းဆီးခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ထားတဲ့ လူေတြကို ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔ပါ။ ၉ ရက္ေန႔က ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ တင္မွာပါ။ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုး ၾကားနာ စစ္ေဆးသြားမွာပါ” ဟု ေရွ႕ေန ဦးမာခါး က မဇၥ်ိမကို ေျပာသည္။
မိုးေမာက္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ခိုင္ဘန္ေက်းရြာသူ မဆြမ္လြတ္ရြယ္ဂ်ာမွာ ၎၏ ခင္ပြန္း၊ ဖခင္ တို႔ႏွင့္အတူ ေတာင္ယာသို႔အသြား လမ္းတြင္ ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္ KIA ေထာက္လမ္းေရးဟု စြပ္စြဲၿပီး ခမရ ၃၂၁ မွ ဖမ္းဆီးရန္ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့သည္။ ခင္ပြန္းႏွင့္ ဖခင္မွာ ထြက္ေျပးလြတ္ေျမာက္သြားသျဖင့္ မရြယ္ဂ်ာတေယာက္သာ ဖမ္းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည္မွာ ေလးလခန္႔ ၾကာၿပီ ျဖစ္သည္။
တရားစြဲဆိုျခင္းခံထားရသည့္ ခမရ ၃၂၁ မွ တာဝန္ရွိ အရာရွိမ်ား တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ေရွ႕ေမွာက္ လာေရာက္ရမည္
ျဖစ္သည္ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။
“တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု လႊတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္ အမိန္႔ေပါ့။ ဆင့္စာ ေပးလိုက္ၿပီ။ အဲဒီေန႔မွာ သူ႔ကို ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဖမ္းထားတယ္ဆိုတာ ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ တင္ရမွာ။ တကယ္ေသသြားၿပီလို႔ တရားဝင္ ေျပာလာမယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ လူသတ္မႈနဲ ့ျပန္တရားစြဲလို႔ရတာေပါ့” ဟု ဦးမာခါး က ေျပာသည္။
တရားစြဲဆိုသူ ေဇာင္းေခါင္ ကိုယ္တိုင္မွာလည္း လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေနထိုင္၍ မရေသးျဖင့္ လံုၿခံဳရာတြင္သာ ပုန္းေအာင္းေနထိုင္ရၿပီး ၾကားနာမည့္ေန႔တြင္မူ တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ေရွ႕ေမွာက္သို႔ ေရာက္ရွိလာမည္ဟု သိရသည္။
မရြယ္ဂ်ာအမႈႏွင့္ ပူးတြဲ၍ ခလရ ၃၇ မွ ဖမ္းဆီးထားသည့္ တာေလာႀကီးေက်းရြာမွ ဦးဘရန္ဆုိင္းႏွင့္ ေဇာ္ဆုိင္း တို႔အမႈအားလည္း တရားလြတ္ေတာ္ခ်ဳပ္မွ ေရွ႕ေတာ္သြင္း စာခြ်န္လြာကုိ တရက္တည္း ၾကားနာမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
Monday 6 February 2012
Federalism is misunderstood and misrepresented
(Commentary) – Life is full of contrasts, contradictions and surprises, and nowhere is that more true than in Burma today. In the past fortnight, I travelled to meet internally displaced people in Kachin State along the China-Burma border, where I heard some of the worst stories of human rights violations that I have ever heard in almost 15 years of involvement in Burma.
The following week, I travelled to Rangoon, where I found an atmosphere of hope that I have never seen before, and an openness that was extraordinary.
It is 10 months since I was deported from the country, and yet I was able to return, on a valid visa, with no one even batting an eyelid at the airport and not a hint of anyone watching me during the week. I was able to meet people who for years have been out of reach, in prison or house arrest, or who, even during the times they were free, were just so sensitive that a meeting would be bound to attract the authorities’ attention. Yet I walked in and out of the offices of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and 88 Generation Student leaders’ homes without anyone appearing to notice.
It would be too simplistic to say that the fortnight was like a journey from darkness to light, because the crisis in Kachin State is not without hope and the political changes in Burma are just the beginning, with a very long way to go and many challenges ahead. But the contrasts illustrate the situation in Burma today, a country possibly on the brink of unexpected change but with many serious questions still to answer.
In his memoir Hitch 22, Christopher Hitchens quotes John Maynard Keynes’ famous words: “When the facts change, then my opinion changes: and you sir?” I am no Keynesian, and I do not believe Burma has yet changed enough to merit a total 360 degree shift in policy, but I left Burma with more hope than I have ever had for the country. The facts have not yet changed, but they are changing – and as a result, so is my analysis. The phrase on most lips is “cautious optimism,” and that sums up my views perfectly, with equal emphasis on both words. There is good reason to be optimistic now – but there are also plenty of reasons still to be cautious.
Why be optimistic? The change is largely atmospheric, but changing the atmosphere is an important first step. Allowing a foreigner who was deported less than a year before, and other foreigners who have been blacklisted for years, and exiled Burmese journalists with decades of opposition to the regime, to visit the country may be clever public relations, but it is nonetheless different from the past. In shops and street-stalls, T-shirts, calendars, posters, booklets and DVDs with pictures of Aung San Suu Kyi are on sale, and at the traffic lights young men tout copies of the movie, “The Lady.” A year ago such activities would have landed a person in jail.
From the atmospheric to the substantial, there are also significant reasons for hope. The process began last July, and within just six months Aung San Suu Kyi had met President Thein Sein, re-registered the NLD, and agreed to contest parliamentary by-elections in April. It is highly likely that two months from now, she and other NLD candidates will be elected members of Parliament. The international community has repeatedly told Thein Sein that for sanctions to be lifted, he needs to release all political prisoners, ensure the by-elections are free and fair, stop attacks on ethnic civilians, announce a nationwide cease-fire, and develop a dialogue process with Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy movement and the ethnic nationalities. To his credit, he has undertaken a good number, though not yet all, of these steps. The release of large numbers of political prisoners, including prominent political activists such as Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and other leaders of the 88 Generation Students, Khun Htun Oo, Zarganar and Su Su Nway, is significant and must be welcomed. A dialogue with Suu Kyi is underway, and the regime knows it is in its interests to ensure the by-elections will be fair. Even on the issue of a cease-fire with ethnic armed groups, significant progress has been made, although serious human rights violations continue and the conflict in Kachin State remains unresolved. It must be acknowledged, though, that even on the ethnic question, so crucial to the country’s future, there is some movement.
Sunday 5 February 2012
Invitation for Emergency Karen Worldwide Conference
Dear Karen nationals at home and abroad,
We would like to invite you to attend Karen Worldwide Conference which will be held from 27th February- 1st March 2012 in our motherland of Kawthoolei.
This conference will be held six weeks after the initial ceasefire agreement between the Karen National Union and Thein Sein Government, to analyse the current situation of the Karen people, to come together as a nation in support of the KNU for further talks towards a genuine political solution for the Karen people and Burma .
Given the fact that there have been some developments inside Burma , this is such a crucial time for our nation. Therefore, it is extremely important that the voices from different Karen communities and backgrounds around the world are included in any further political negotiations.
We appreciate this is a short notice, but we really hope that you can participate with us at this crucial time. Your opinions and contributions are very important to us. However, if you can not make it in person, please feel free to send your opinions to karen_unity@yahoo.com by Wednesday 23rd February 2012.
Please see the attached documents for more logistic information for the conference and contact Naw Hsa Moo at 081-7408119
We look forward to seeing you all.
Best wishes,
Karen Unity Seminar Committee
Thursday 2 February 2012
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးေစာဘိုၿမ(၁)
ေသာသီခိုမွ တဆင္႔- မူရင္း ဟစ္တိုင္
ဗုိလ္ခ်ဴပ္ထိန္ေမာင္ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ ျငိမ္းေကာင္စီအဖြဲ ့ KNU မွခြဲထြက္စဥ္ကာလက လူသိအေတာ္မ်ားခဲ့တဲ့ သူ တစ္ဦး ယေန ့မီဒီယာေပၚမွာ ျပန္ေပၚလာပါျပီ။ အခ်ိန္ကာလ တစ္ခု အတန္ႀကာေအာင္ ေျမလွ်ိဴးေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားေသာ္လည္း ခုခ်ိန္မွ ခ်ိန္ကုိက္ ျပန္ေပၚလာတာ စိတ္၀င္းစားစရာပါ။ တခ်ိန္က သူဟာ ျငိမ္းေကာင္စီ တပ္မွဴးတစ္ဦးပါ။ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဴပ္ တီမေသ တုိ ့ရဲ့လုပ္ေဖၚကုိင္ဖက္တစ္ဦးပါ။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဴပ္ထိန္ေမာင္ ျငိမ္းေကာင္စီ အဖြဲ ့ႏွင့္ နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူမည့္ စပ္ကူးမတ္ကူးကာလေတြမွာ ေရဒီယုိ အသံလြင့္ဌာနေတြကုိ ဒုိင္ခံျပီး ေျဖဆုိသြားခဲ့တဲ့ သူ ့ရဲ့ အသံေတြကုိ လည္း ႀကားေယာင္မိပါေသးတယ္။ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ထုိအခ်ိန္ကာလက ျငိမ္းေကာင္စီ တပ္မွဴးတစ္ဦးျဖစ္သူ ေမာင္ေက်ာ္ တစ္ေယာက္ ဟစ္တုိင္သတင္းစာမ်က္ႏွာ အမွတ္တရ က႑မွ ရင္ဖြင့္သြားတာကုိ ဖတ္ႀကည့္လုိက္ပါအုံး။xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
မူရင္း - http://www.hittai.net/?show=rm&fileid=102&t=home7&id=7
အမွတ္တရ က႑ - ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးေစာဘိုၿမ(၁)
- Mk Mk--၂-၂ -၂၀၁၂
“ ဗိုလ္ၿမအမိ်ဳးေတြကေတာ့ ရဲတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ…….ေၿပးစရာရိွတယ္ေလ….က်ဳပ္တို႔ကေတာ့ ေၿပးစရာေၿမ မရိွဘူးဗ်ိဳ ႔ အရမ္းမလုပ္ ရဲဘူး ”
၁၉၈၈ စက္တင္ဘာလကုန္ပိုင္း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေစာေမာင္ အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီးေနာက္ အေရးအခင္းတြင္ ထင္ရွားစြာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သူမ်ား ကို စစ္ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးမွ လိုက္ေနၿပီဟု မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားက သတိေပးၾကသည္။
လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၁၇ ႏွစ္ခန္႔က ေထာက္လွမ္းေရးအခ်ဳပ္ခန္း၏ အိမ္မက္ဆိုးမ်ားကို ၿပန္လည္ရင္မဆ္ုိင္လိုေတာ့၊ ၾကက္ကေလး ငွက္ကေလးလို အဖမ္းမခံနိုင္ေတာ့ ၊ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ည မ်ားတြင္အသိမိတ္ေဆြမ်ား အိမ္တြင္ေၿပာင္း အိပ္ေနရသည္။
သို႔ေသာ္ မည္သည့္မိတ္ေဆြမ်ွ တစ္ညႏွစ္ညထက္ပို၍ လက္မခံရဲၾက ။
တခိ်ဳ႔ အိမ္ေပၚတက္ သြားသည္ႏွင့္ အိမ္သူအိမ္ သားမ်ား မ်က္စိမ်က္ႏွာပ်က္ေနၾကသည္။
တခိ်ဳ႔က ေၿပာင္ေၿပာင္ပင္ ၿငင္းလႊတ္သည္။ အိပ္္စရာေၿမမရိွၿဖစ္ေန စဥ္အဆင္ေၿပေသာေနရာတစ္ခု သြားေတြ႔သည္။
မိတ္ေဆြအစိုးရအရာရိွတစ္ဦး၏ရုံး၀န္းၿဖစ္ သည္။ထိုဌာနရုံး၀န္း ထဲတြင္ ထိုအရာရိွ၏အိမ္ရိွသည္။
ထိုစဥ္ကအရာရာကိ်ဳ႔တို႔က်ဲတဲၿဖစ္ေနဆဲ၊ေန႔ခင္းရုံးဖြင့္သည္... ဘာအလုပ္မွ်မရိွ…ညပိုင္းတြင္ထိုအရာရိွအိမ္၌ ပိုကာ၀ိုင္းၿဖစ္ၾကသည္။
ညမထြက္ရအမိန္႔ထုတ္ထား၍ ၾကြေရာက္သူမ်ား ညလုံးေပါက္ ပိုကာကစားၾကသည္။
ေန႔ၾကေတာ့ရုံးဖြင့္၍ အိပ္ၾကသည္ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္မိမိအတြက္ ၿပႆနာမရိွ ၊ တခါတရံ လူမၿပည့္၊ ၀ိုင္းမၿဖစ္မွာစိုး၍ သူတို႔ကပင္ေမွ်ာ္ေန ေသးသည္။
ပို၍လုံၿခံဳသည္က ထိုရုံးတစ္ ဖဲြ႔လုံး (ေတာင္ငူၿမိဳ႔၊ၿမိဳ႔ၾကီးရပ္ကြက္တြင္ေနေသာ ကရင္၀န္ထမ္းတစ္ဦး ၊ ေစာရူ ဘီ တို႔ ကရင္အဖဲြ႔ႏွင့္ ေပါင္း၍ ဆႏၵၿပသည့္အထဲတြင္ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည္မွအပ ) အေရးအခင္းတြင္ပါ၀င္ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမရိွခဲ့။
တစ္ည..ပိုကာကစား ၾကရင္း ႏိုင္ငံအ၀ွမ္းလႈပ္ရွားမႈတြင္ ဘာေၾကာင့္မပါ၀င္သည္ကို မိမိက ေမးသၿဖင့္ မိတ္ေဆြ အရာရိွက ၀ိုင္းထဲတြင္ ထိုင္ေနေသာ ကရင္၀န္ထမ္းနွင့္ …..ဇနီးကရင္ၿဖစ္၍ ကရင္အုပ္စုႏွင့္နီးစပ္ေသာ မိမိအား ရည္ညႊန္းေၿပာဆိုၿခင္းၿဖစ္ သည္။
ထိုစဥ္က BBC VOA တို႔မွ KNU သည္ ေၿပးလာေသာ “ ေက်ာင္းသား” မ်ားကို လက္ခံလ်ွက္ ရိွၿပီ း ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၿမက လက္နက္မ်ားပင္တပ္ဆင္ေပးမည္ဟု ေၿပာေၾကာင္း သတင္းမ်ားၾကားရသည္ ။
သို႔ရာတြင္ မိမိ အေနၿဖင့္မူ KNU ဆိုသည္မွာ လူမိ်ဳးေရးအစြန္းေရာက္ အဖဲြ႔တစ္ခုၿဖစ္ၿပီး ၊ KNU နယ္ေၿမ တြင္ ဗမာစကား ေၿပာလွ်င္ ၾကာၾကာမခံ။
ဗိုလ္ၿမသည္ ဗမာဆိုလွ်င္မုန္းသည္ ဟု နာလည္ထာ း သည္ ။
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ နားရိွ၍ သာၾကားရသည္ ထို..ဗိုလ္ၿမ..ဆိုေသာ ပုဂိၢဳလ္နွင့္ပါတ္သက္ဖို႔ေ၀းစြ ၿမင္ဖူးဖို႔ပင္အေၾကာင္းမရိွ။
သို႔ေသာ္.............
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သူ႔ေၿခေထာက္ႏွစ္ဖက္လုံး အၿပာေရာင္သန္းေနသည္ မီးေလာင္ဖုလို အဖုၾကီးမ်ား ၃…၄ ခုေတြ႔ရသည္ ။
ေၿခေထာက္အေရၿပားမ်ား ပါးေနၿပီး လမ္းေလွ်ာက္၍မရနိုင္ေတာ့ဟု သူ႔ဇနီးကေၿပာေနသည္။
ဘယ္ဘက္ေၿခေထာက္ ေၿခသလုံးအလယ္မွ စ၍ အရည္ၿပားသည္ ပလပ္စတစ္အစတစ္ခုလို ပါး၍ေဖာက္ထြင္း ၿမင္နု္ိင္ၿပီးအထဲ မွေၿခေခ်ာင္းရိုး ၿဖဴၿဖဴမ်ားကို ေၿခဖ်ားအထိ အတိုင္းသားၿမင္ေနရသည္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ၾကည့္ရင္း စိတ္အေတာ္ေၿခာက္ၿခားသြားသည္။ စိတ္မေကာင္းလည္းၿဖစ္မိသည္ ။ ထိုစဥ္မွာပင္ သူကရုတ္တရက္ထရပ္၍… ေလွခါးသုံး ေလး ထစ္ကို ေက်ာ္ၿပီး ခုန္ဆင္းသြားသည္။ အၿပင္တြင္ မိုးေတြ သဲသဲမဲမဲရြာေနသည္ ။ကၽြန္ေတာ္ စိုးရိမ္တၾကီး ေနာက္မွ ေၿပးလိုက္သြားၿပီး...... “ တစ္ေယာက္ထဲမသြားနဲ႔ေလ….ရဲေဘာ္ေတြေကာ……” ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးၿမ ဘယ္သြားသြား….သူ႔ေဘးတြင္ အနည္းဆုံး ရဲေဘာ္ေလး…ငါး…ေယာက္..ပါေနက်ၿဖစ္သည္။ “ သူတို႔က ….၅ တန္းေက်ာင္းသားေတြဘဲ……ငါ့ဆီမွာ ……မေပ်ာ္ေတာ့ဘူး…….ထြက္သြားၾကၿပီ…..”
အဆက္အစပ္ မတည့္ေသာစကားကိုေၿပာယင္း မိုးေရထဲ ဆက္သြားေနသည္။
ကၽြန္ေတာ္ဘာလုပ္ရမွန္းမသိၿဖစ္ ေနသည္။
“ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေၿခေထာက္ေတြက လမ္းေလွ်ာက္လို႔မရဘူးေလ”
မိုးသဲသဲထဲတြင္ ဆိုက္ကားတစ္စီးေတြ႔၍ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ကလွမ္းေခၚလိုက္ၿပီး သူ႔ကိုတက္ခိုင္းလိုက္သည္ ။
“ ေအး…….မင္းေရွ႔ကတက္…..ငါေနာက္မွာဘဲထိုင္မယ္…….ေရွ႔ကၿမင့္တယ္…..မတက္နိုင္ဘူး……”
ထိုစဥ္ ေရွ႔တည့္တည့္မွ ႏြားလွည္းတစ္စီး အၿပင္းေမာင္းႏွင္လာသည္။ လွည္းတံပိုး မ်ားက သာမာန္ထက္ ေဘး သို႔ နွစ္ေတာင္ခန္႔ရွည္ထြက္ေနသည္။
ေရွာင္၍ မည္သို႔မွ် မလြတ္နိုင္။ထိုလွည္းတံပိုး မ်ားက ဆိုက္ကားကို အရွိန္ ၿဖင့္ တိုက္ခ်သြားသည္။
မိမိတို႔မည္သို႔မွ်မၿဖစ္ လွည္းတံပိုး ၾကီးသာ သစ္ေဆြးတုံးၾကီးတစ္တုံးလို က်ဳိးထြက ္လြင့္ ေၾကြသြားသည္။
သိုု႔ေသာ္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ စိုးရိမ္စိတ္ၿဖင့္ ဆိုက္ကားေနာက္သို႔လွည့္ၾကည့္လိုုက္သည္ ။ အားလုံးေမွာင္ မဲေနသည္။
မိုးသံမ်ားကေတာ့ တစ္ေ၀ါေ၀ါ ၾကားေနရဆဲ။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကၽြန္ေတာ့္ကိုယ္တြင္ လုံး၀စိုမေန ။
တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ အားလုံးလြဲေနေၾကာင္း သတိၿပန္၀င္လာသည္။
တစ္ေ၀ါေ၀ါ ၾကားေနရဆဲၿဖစ္ေသာ အသ ံမ်ားသည္ ။
မိုးသံမဟုတ္၊ ပင္လယ္လိႈင္းသံမ်ားသာၿဖစ္သည္။
။မိမိမွာလည္း အိပ္ယာထဲတြင္ ေႏြးေထြးသက္သာစြာ ရိွ ေနသည္ ။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးၿမ ကြယ္လြန္ခဲ့သည္မွာလည္း ၅ နွစ္ခန္႔ရိွၿပီ။
..ဆိုက္ကားတို႔ လွည္းတို႔ရိွေသာ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ လည္းမဟုတ္။
အီတလီ နိုင္ငံ၏ေတာင္ဘက္အစြန္ဆုံး ပင္လယ္ ကမ္းေၿခတစ္ေနရာတြင္ၿဖစ္သည္။
မည္သို႔မွ်မမွတ္ထင္ထားေသာ အိမ္မက္တစ္ခုမက္ခဲ့ၿခင္းသာၿဖစ္သည္။ ဒါလည္း လဲြေနေသးသည္ ။
အိမ္မက္ထဲမွ ပုဂိၢဳလ္က ကရင့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးေစာဗိုလ္ၿမ…. စဲြစဲြလန္းလန္းမက္သူ က….ကၽြန္ေတာ္ ဗမာေမာင္ေက်ာ္။ တစ္ကဲ့ကို အားလုံးလဲြေနသည္ ။ မနက္ ၄ နာရီခန္႔ၿဖစ္ေနသည္။ ၿပန္အိပ္၍မရေတာ။့
တကယ္ေတာ့ မိမိသည္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးၿမႏွင့္ လက္ပြန္း တတီး ၾကာရွည္စြာမေနဖူးခဲ့။
သို႔ေသာ္ တာ၀န္ၿဖင့္အေၾကာင္းဆုံ၍ေတြ႔တိုင္း ထူးၿခားေသာ၊ရိုးသားေလးစားဖြယ ္ေကာင္း ေသာ သူ႔ဓေလ့စရိုက္မ်ားကို ေတြ႔ၾကံဳရသည္။
ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၿမရိုးသားသည္၊ သို႔ေသာ္ မအ ပါ ။
ခိုင္မာသည္...သို႔ေသာ္ ေၿပာင္းရဲ... ၿပင္ရဲသည္။ တက္ရဲ...ဆုတ္ရဲသည္။
ဆုတ္ကိုင္ရဲ…လက္လႊတ္ရဲသည္။
သူႏွင့္ဆုံခဲ့သည့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာ မ်ားကို ေထြရာေလးပါးစဥ္းစားရင္း ၿပန္အိပ္မရေတာ့ ။
အိပ္ယာမွထ၍ ေရေႏြးတည္ၿပီး ေရေႏြးတစ္ခြက္ကိုင္ရင္း တံခါးဖြင့္လိုက္ေတာ့ အလင္းေရာင္လာေနၿပီ။
၇ နာရီ ထိုးေတာ့မည္။
ၿပာလဲ့ေသာပင္လယ္ၿပင္၏ တစ္ဖက္နားတြင္ မီးခိုးမ်ားထြက္ေနေသာ မီးေတာင္တစ္ခု နွင့္ကၽြန္း ဆြယ္တန္းကို ခပ္မႈန္မႈန္ လွမ္းၿမင္ေနရ သည္။
ထင္ရွားေသာပုဂိၢဳလ္ၾကီး နွစ္ဦး၏ ဇာတိေၿမ စစ္စလီကၽြန္း ၿဖစ္ သည္။
တစ္ဦးမွာပညာရွိ “ အာခိမိဒိ” ၿဖစ္သည္ ။ အၿခားတစ္ဦးမွာ..မာဖီးယား၏ဖခင္ “ ခ်ာလီလပ္ကီးလူစီယာနို ” ၿဖစ္သည္။
ထိုေခတ္ထိုအခါက ထိုေဒသတြင္ လူမိုက္သူခိုး ဓါးၿပမ်ား ေပါမ်ားၿပီး မင္းမဲ့စရိုက္ထြန္းကားသည္ ။
လာဘ္စား အက်င့္ပ်က္ပုဂိၢဳလ္အမ်ားစုပါေသာ နိုင္ငံ အစိုးရ ကလည္း ရိုးသားေသာ လူတန္းစားကို အကာအကြယ္မေပးနိုင္။
အက်င့္ပ်က္မ်ားကသာ ဥပေဒကိုလိုသလို ကိုယ္ကိ်ုဳးအသုံးၿပဳေနၾကသည္။
ထိုစဥ္က မဟုတ္မခံ ထက္ၿမက္ေသာလူငယ္တစ္ဦးသည္ မတရားခံရသူမ်ား ဖက္မွ “ ၿဖစ္သည့္နည္းၿဖင့္ ” လက္စားေၿခ အကာအကြယ္ ေပးရင္း အင္အားၾကီးမားလာခဲ့သည္။
ထိုလူငယ္မွာ “ ခ်ာလီလပ္ကီးလူစီယာႏို (အီတလီ အေခၚ ..လူခ်ားႏို)” ဆိုသူ စစ္စလီကၽြန္းသားလူငယ္တစ္ဦးၿဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုအုပ္စုမွ အရိွမ္ အ၀ါ ၾကီးမားေသာ မာဖီးယား ၿဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္။
ေနာက္ပိိုင္းတြင္အဖဲြ႔ခဲြမ်ားေပၚေပါက္၊ေနရာလု၊အခ်င္းခ်င္းသတ္ၾကၿဖင့္ ယခုအခါ မာဖီးယား ဆိုသည္မွာ...
ဤေဒသ တြင္ ရိုးသားစြာလုပ္ကိုင ္ စားသူ မ်ားအေပၚ ၿခိမ္းေၿခာက္ေငြညွစ္ စားေသာအဆင့္သာရိွေတာ့သည္။
အရိွန္အ၀ါၾကီး မားထက္ၿမက္ေသာ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ရိွပုံမရေတာ့။
“ကရင့္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး” ကေကာဘယ္လိုပါလိမ္႔၊ မဆီမဆိုင္ ဆက္စပ္ေတြးမိရာမွ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးၿမႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆုံးေတြ႔ခဲ့သည့္ အၿဖစ္အပ်က္ကို သတိယလာမိသည္။
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